Is the Sun of the Republic setting in the west?

Considering the ratio of crisis and success associated with the politics of the French Republic, it is impossible not to get the impression that both of these coordinates are fundamentally interconnected. This observation fits perfectly into theories of political stability, which state that the occurrence of protests and crises can serve as a positive factor in maintaining the stability of the political system (Margolis, 2010, Perlikowski, 2021). The pride of French society is its ability to mobilize and resist. These factors suggest that it can be asserted that the essence of democracy and political participation in France is the capacity for dissent. This issue was pointed out long ago by Jeremy Bentham in his commentary on the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (which today is part of the French constitution). He noticed a significant flaw underlying the French way of thinking about the legitimization of power and the means of exercising political authority. In his commentary on the Declaration (1791), he wrote: "The revolution that transferred power into the hands of the authors and supporters of this declaration, being the result of an uprising, obviously aims to justify this cause. However, by justifying it, they encourage it: by justifying the past uprising, they sow and nurture a tendency for constant uprisings in the future; they sow the seeds of anarchy; by justifying the overthrow of existing authorities, they undermine all future ones, including their own" (Bentham, 1843, pp. 906-907). The text used as a preamble to the first French constitution granted the right to resistance and social protests to all citizens gathered in the community of French citizens. Although Bentham's interpretation may be questioned, the inclination towards the right to resist oppression and civil disobedience remains a significant feature of the Declaration of Rights. This document has had a tremendous impact on French political culture. The marriage of stability with instability has appeared in the history of France repeatedly, as in the era of the Third Republic, where government instability coexisted with the relative stability of the entire political system (Forster, 1959). The case of France is particularly interesting from the perspective of stability studies, as it shows how far reality can deviate from its perception in black-and-white terms.

The frequency of protests and the variety of issues they address in this country are at a very high level. To cite the most striking and current examples, we can highlight: the "Yellow Vests" protests (2018), protests in Callac (2022), protests following the murder of Nahel Mrzhouk (2023), and farmers' protests (2024). Can these protests be considered a manifestation of civic participation? The participatory model of democracy is one of the most promising models for realizing the ideal of civil society. In many cases, citizen participation in the democratic decision-making process is perceived as a conventional organization of social actions, which to a greater or lesser extent is coordinated by state institutions. The example of France shows that participation can take place outside the framework of conventions, taking the form of protest, for instance. The dilemma regarding how to measure and identify civic participation has also arisen in light of Polish experiences. This issue can also be linked to the question of political culture in the People's Republic of Poland. While the Western political science paradigm assumed that political culture could be divided into three types: a) parochial, b) subject, and c) participatory (Almond, Verba, 1963, pp. 12-36), in the case of societies living under socialist regimes, there remained many doubts in this regard (White, 1984). Although it seemed that the official dimension of social activity was characterized by a high degree of participation, there was no space for an authentic expression of political will that would be closer to the anti-communist contestation manifested in strikes, protests, and the organization of opposition movements.

Currently, an interesting conclusion can be drawn by comparing civil societies in terms of participatory budget institutions. While in Poland, for instance, it is an indicator of the quality of civil society, in France, it does not play a key role in participation. As Röcke notes, "[...] after the initial period of enthusiasm associated with Porto Alegre and participatory democracy, the current situation is characterized by stagnation, and even a process of regression, at least regarding participatory budgeting at the municipal level" (Röcke, 2014, p. 72). Consequently, in the absence of an institutional perspective on participation, citizens are more inclined to engage in public life according to their own principles. This does not diminish the significance and importance of participation. The case of France is not only interesting in itself but can also be understood as an argument for unconventional ways of participating in democratic processes. As Tiberj notes: "Some researchers point to the declining voter turnout and believe that representative democracy is under pressure. Others argue that citizens participate in public life in different ways, through protests" (Tiberj, 2021, p. 139). The struggle between the social element and political forces for influence over public decision-making constitutes an arena of constant conflict. Therefore, one must remember that participation can be used as a tool in the political game rather than as a means of activating democracy. A perfect example of this phenomenon is contemporary French politics, where President Macron sought to introduce a "monarchist" style of governance. As can be read in the latest studies on this subject: "[...] despite extensive presidential powers, he failed to overcome parliamentary resistance to these reforms, and his innovative actions for participatory and deliberative democracy, such as the Great National Debate and the Citizens' Convention on Climate, were fundamentally motivated by an attempt to quell the protests triggered by the Yellow Vests movement" (Collard, 2025, p. 41). The lists of grievances were never truly taken into account or integrated into mainstream public policies, and the main demand of the Yellow Vests regarding a citizens' initiative referendum was never subjected to institutional debate. The same pattern can be observed regarding farmers' protests. Despite the former Prime Minister Gabriel Attal's clear willingness to meet with farmers to discuss their demands, it only led to a few technical freezes or pauses, but not to any structural negotiations on common agricultural policy (CAP). Regarding the Mercosur agreement, which protesters strongly opposed, European institutions remain motivated to sign the deal (Verdes, 2025). It seems that only Callac achieved some initial success in the protests. If the project was abandoned, it is more of a political victory, utilized by Eric Zemmour and the Reconquête movement, than a true victory for citizens and participation. The nationalization of protests, which initially had a local character, particularly arose from the political revival of the Reconquête party, represented by the candidate in the 2022 presidential elections, Eric Zemmour. This political revival, in which "by fueling the fear of the 'great replacement,' Eric Zemmour managed to colonize minds and, in a very rare phenomenon, distort the image of Brittany and its long tradition of hospitality" (Goosz, 2023), employed a political tactic of transforming every message, in this case local, into a political fact of national significance, confirming the correctness of the Reconquête party's position: "Every event must make French people and voters aware that Eric Zemmour's candidacy was justified, and his speech found confirmation" (Laubacher, 2022). These protests and the subsequent clashes illustrate a more global fact observed in various countries of the European Union, and Callac is just an example of the phenomenon of violence over political issues on a larger scale (Zenou, Bidwell, 2024, pp. 20-21). Protest has become the most natural form of civic participation defined as dissent. It was a way of expressing political will. All these mobilizations, although varied in terms of demands and forms, illustrate the same reality: in the face of a sense of political dispossession, the street remains a privileged space for citizens to express opinions, bypassing traditional institutional channels to impose a debate on key issues.

These spontaneous protests, opposing traditional channels of institutionalized demonstrations in France, are the result of the growing populism of French society, which feels that political elites do not listen to its voice. With the emergence of social networks, it begins to treat the streets as the only means of action capable of bringing about social change. However, this is a situation where the snake bites its own tail, trying to free itself from the trade unions and political parties seen as an integral part of the system. The "anarchic" and "chaotic" approach of these movements, lacking structure, actually prevents the emergence of a unified voice capable of expressing the demands of the protesters, which go unheard due to the multitude of entities. These demonstrations thus face difficulties in negotiations with public authorities and very rarely lead to actual changes.

We therefore have the right to ask ourselves how long this strategy of delaying actions can be sustained before it collides with social realities and the gap begins to widen. By playing for time, the government seems to allow the rise of populism, which appears almost inevitable. According to recent polls, the increasing strength of La France Insoumise (LFI) and Rassemblement National (RN) illustrates the decline of the so-called governing parties and the potential for populists to win (Odoxa, 2025). By exploiting, among other things, distrust of elites and popular means of direct democracy, such as citizen-initiated referendums, LFI and RN seem to be getting closer to power, proclaiming a "referendum revolution" (Le Pen, 2022; LFI, 2022).

The above observations lead us to conclude that the symptoms of civic opposition, which would certainly be perceived as a harbinger of decline and crisis in Poland, signify the vitality of the democratic tradition in France. And although this should not be evaluated solely positively due to the violence that often accompanies unconventional forms of participation, the protests in France do not indicate the weakness of the Republic but rather its vitality.

Lefebvre, G. Perlikowski, Ł. (2026). Protest as a Form of Civic Participation. Athenaeum. Polish Political Studies. (forthcoming); Perlikowski, Ł. (2021). Political Stability as a Phenomenon and a Potential. Athenaeum. Polish Political Studies, vol. 72.

Sources:

Bentham, J. (1843). The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 2. Edinburgh: William Tait.; Collard, S. (2025). Democracy in France under Emmanuel Macron: From a crisis of representation to a crisis of regime? Collard S. (ed.) Revolution Revisited: Emmanuel Macron and the Limits of Political Change in France. New York: Routledge.; Forster, K. (1959). Stability versus Instability in the Third Republic – 1894–1914. The French Review, 32(5).; Goosz, Y. (2023). "Callac: a premonitory renunciation?" France Inter..; Laubacher, P. (2022). "The news item, a political argument of the far right." L’Opinion..; La France insoumise. (2022). Programme – Chapter 1: Power to the People, Section 4: A Republic that Enables Popular Intervention.; Le Pen, M. (2022). Proportional representation, referendum, seven-year presidential term: Marine Le Pen outlines her programme ahead of the election.; Margolis, J. E. (2010). Understanding Political Stability and Instability. Civil Wars 12(3).; Odoxa. (2025). Jordan Bardella is the favorite political figure of the French and would win the presidential election if it were held next Sunday. Odoxa.; Röcke, A. (2014). Framing citizen participation: Participatory budgeting in France, Germany and the United Kingdom. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.; Tiberj, V. (2021). How France participates? The impact of generational renewal on political participation (1981–2018). Fr Polit 19.; Verdes, J. (2025). EU–Mercosur agreement: A controversial decision in the European Parliament rekindles tensions. Toute l’Europe.; Zenou, T., Bidwell, S. (2024). From the Ballot to the Bullet: The Rise of Political Violence in the West – and How to Stop It. London: The Henry Jackson Society.

#6 G. Lefebvre, Ł. Perlikowski (25.11.2025). Is the Sun of the Republic setting?. https://lukaszperlikowski.pl/blog

*Photograph: Louvre, Paris 2023 (Personal archive)