Selected Papers
The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is a strategic instrument aimed at minimizing disparities in the economic development of the Central European region. The attractiveness of the Three Seas stems both from its geopolitical location and cooperation at the presidential level. However, the complexity and diversity of the contemporary international system, as well as tensions on the international stage, create difficulties in developing optimal conditions for cooperation that would allow for influencing global politics and economic development in the region. The article examines the networking of Central and Eastern European countries in relation to integration and cooperation initiatives in this region. The aim of the article was to determine whether the multitude of entities operating in Central Europe constitutes competition for the Initiative’s format. At the same time, attention was drawn to defining the directions of the 3SI development strategy and assessing its chances of survival in the face of intensifying competition for dominance in the region. The authors note that attempts to expand the 3SI’s membership may render it ineffective. The use of comparative analysis in the article has enabled clarification and consolidation of the 3SI’s position in the region’s countries relative to other integration formats.
Perlikowski, Ł., Banasiak, M., Fordoński, A. (2026). Inicjatywa Trójmorza w perspektywie powiązań i form organizacji państw regionu. Nowa Polityka Wschodnia, vol. 2 (50), pp. 29-57. https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20265002
This paper elaborates on the relationship between the political system's stability and a constitution's flexibility. Using the comparative constitutionalism perspective, one can find some background assumptions underlying political system mechanisms. The core of the constitutional system is made of political elements manifested in the Preamble and legal elements, which are to be found in the body of the written document of the constitution. Rules and procedures for interplay between these elements are crucial for comprehending political stability issues. This theoretical approach shows its full gravity when analyzing the political peculiarities of Western Balkans states, where constitutions are utilized as political instruments for stabilizing volatile multi-ethnic and pluralistic societies. The outcome of the research is significant for better understanding the Balkan political context as well as the inherent logic of the idea of constitutionalism.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2025). Flexibility of Constitutions as a Factor of Political Stability. The Case of Western Balkans States. Iustinianus Primus Law Review. Vol. 16 no. 2, pp. 1-15.
Naddniestrzańska Republika Mołdawska to jedno z najbardziej zaskakujących miejsc na mapie Europy. Mimo że ma strategiczne znaczenie i uwikłana jest w grę interesów największych podmiotów politycznych, wciąż pozostaje w stanie zawieszenia. Władze w Tyraspolu funkcjonują w szarej strefie prawa międzynarodowego, a modus vivendi pozwala na zachowanie względnego spokoju, bez realnych perspektyw na ostateczne rozwiązanie konfliktu naddniestrzańsko-mołdawskiego.
Perlikowski, Ł., Pląskowski, F. (2025). Paradoks Naddniestrza. Nowa Europa Wschodnia. https://new.org.pl/5310,paradoks_naddniestrza.html
The article addresses the issue of political stability in the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR), a de facto unrecognized state operating along the eastern border of Moldova. The authors analyze both internal and external factors influencing the durability and relative stability of this quasi-state entity. The factors that have been collected under internal factors are of two types. They concern both relations with the international environment and relations between the Moldavian Republic of Transnistria and Moldova itself, which are comparable to relations within the federation.The first part explores the region’s social, political, and economic structures, highlighting the dominant role of oligarchic elites and Russian military and financial support. The second part focuses on PMR’s relations with Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union, taking into account mechanisms of international mediation and economic integration. The article emphasizes the paradoxical nature of Transnistria’s stability, which stems not from democratic legitimacy but from authoritarian governance and external control. By combining political science and international legal perspectives, the study provides insights into the region’s future prospects and risks amid ongoing European integration efforts and the war in Ukraine.
Falkowski, R., Perlikowski, Ł., Pląskowski, F. (2025). Wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne czynniki stabilności politycznej Mołdawskiej Republiki Naddniestrza. Nowa Polityka Wschodnia, vol. 4 (48), pp. 164-187. https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20254808
In this text, we analyse the Polish tradition of research on political culture from the perspective of paradigm development and identify the paradigm that has developed as a result of the efforts of scholars representing political science, sociology and other social science disciplines. As a central analytical tool, we adopt a paradigm development pattern that is essentially inspired by the concepts of Ludwig Fleck and Thomas Kuhn. The individual stages of this development are as follows: a) preliminary stage; b) introduction of methodological and theoretical premises; c) deepening of a theory; d) modifications of a theory; e) applications of a theory; f) criticism of a theory. Such an approach also allows one to see the theories that have fallen outside the paradigm of Polish research on political culture, as well as to better understand the directions of thought of political scientists operating within the said paradigm. The text shows not so much the chronology of the conducted research as the logic of pursuing scientific inquiry. In this text, we analyse the Polish tradition of research on political culture from the perspective of paradigm development and identify the paradigm that has developed as a result of the efforts of scholars representing political science, sociology and other social science disciplines. As a central analytical tool, we adopt a paradigm development pattern that is essentially inspired by the concepts of Ludwig Fleck and Thomas Kuhn. The individual stages of this development are as follows: a) preliminary stage; b) introduction of methodological and theoretical premises; c) deepening of a theory; d) modifications of a theory; e) applications of a theory; f) criticism of a theory. Such an approach also allows one to see the theories that have fallen outside the paradigm of Polish research on political culture, as well as to better understand the directions of thought of political scientists operating within the said paradigm. The text shows not so much the chronology of the conducted research as the logic of pursuing scientific inquiry.
Perlikowski, Ł., Nowakowski, P. (2025). The Paradigm of Research on Political Culture in Poland. Teoria Polityki nr 12, pp. 161-177. https://doi.org/10.4467/25440845TP.25.021.21992
This paper sheds new light on comprehending populist politics and its relation to the rule of law. Dealing with the fact that populist parties are competing and struggling with the courts, one can say that the tension between judicial and legislative institutions is a crucial element of contemporary liberal democracy condition. The following article proposes a new approach to be used as an analytical tool for surveying the interdependencies between the rule of law and populism. According to this view, dialectical analysis should replace the axiological analysis of judicial/democratic dualism. The purpose of this shift is to regard the tension between given elements of a political system in a mechanical way rather than in terms of a clash of values. Using the pendulum metaphor, one can track the relations between static and dynamic elements of a given political system.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2024). The Rule of Law and Populism Interdependencies: The Perspective of Political Stability. Studia Political. Romanian Political Science Review, vol. 24 no. 2, pp. 211-332. https://doi.org/10.62229/sprps24-2/3
This paper seeks to improve comprehension of issues related to political stability. The primary elucidating tool employed is the multifaceted approach to political stability. This is the idea that similar political stability mechanisms can be observed in many different political contexts. These phenomena consist of conspicuous discrepancies between the stability of dimensions or layers of the political sphere. The lack of congruency between political stability and economic stability, differences between the stability of government authorities and the stability of the whole political system, or the gap between social and political stability are examples that are not difficult to grasp in ordinary observations of political appearances. The main task of this paper is to explain and elaborate on the reasons behind this phenomenon. As an additional value, some suggestions of how our findings can change the view on the method of research on political stability are to be found. The outcome of our investigation can be applied to comparative politics, constitutional studies, and political system analysis. The paper is particularly significant for empirically oriented political theory.
Carp, R., Perlikowski, Ł. (2024). Notes Towards a Multifaceted Approach to Political Stability. Polish Political Science Yearbook, vol. 2 (53), pp. 5-14. https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202413
The idea of civil society is an undisputable, commonly recognized principle that animates Polish society. Not to mention the rich traditions of civil society of the past centuries, there is a natural drive to civil society ideals after emancipa- tion from the communist regime. As the development of civil institutions was the primary purpose of political activities at the time of the rebirth of the sovereign people of Poland at the beginning of ’90 the later events made things more and more complicated. The variety of interests and values that constitute a pluralist society led to the multiplication of groups of interest and organizations that have started to have their purpose of existence incongruent with the universal ideal of civic society. According to the commonly recognized division of civil society into three main sectors: the public sector, private sector, and a combined one called just the third sector of civil society, there should be some autonomy within each sector. However, since things related to social dynamics are more volatile, the sec- tors are intertwined and dependent on each other. This fact affects the shape of civil society in practice. It is hard to maintain an equal balance among the given sectors and to prevent the domination of one over another. We propose a hypoth- esis that in the current situation in Poland, we are dealing with the power of the public sector (represented by political parties and direct governmental activities) over the third sector of civil society. The former manifests itself in the coloniza- tion of self-governance policy by political parties, which is in vivid contradiction with the bottom-up logic of civil society. The latter is palpable in determining the shape of the so-called third sector of civil society by using government subsidies, again a form of dismissal of efforts typically belonging to bottom-up civil society. In the proposed paper, we would like to draw a comprehensive picture of the abovementioned issues to display the condition of civil society in Poland. To do so, we need to examine the following topics: a) the politicization of local elections; b) non-competitive elections on the lower level of self-governance; c) differentiation of voter turnout in different levels of elections; d) form and instruments of influ- encing associations and foundations of the third sector of civil society–all these elements together to allow us to obtain a complete perspective of civil society in contemporary Poland. In conclusion, we would like to consider the pros and cons of this socio-political situation. The methodological characteristic of the research is associated with theoretical analysis based on empirical evidence accompanied by desk research.
Lewandowski, A., Perlikowski, Ł. (2023). Between Social and Political Sphere – Civil Society Dilemmas in the Third Republic of Poland. Civil Szemle vol. V, pp. 5-24.
Regime changes that occurred in Great Britain as the effect of Brexit have led to explicit reactivation of the sovereignty of parliament principle. Main warrant of political stability is identified with the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Main hypothesis of this article is that stabilizing activities that are undertaken by this institution influence three possible layers: stabilizing the community, political system and authorities. This overgrowth of competences can affect constitutional fundamentals of the regime. Probable effect of this ongoing process of changes will be endeavours to codify a constitution. Method that is employed in this paper is a method of system analysis, which seems to be the most adequate approach for researches of political stability. Considerations presented in the paper are included within the remit of political theory, political comparativism and constitutional systems.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2023). Suwerenność parlamentu a stabilność ustroju politycznego Wielkiej Brytanii w perspektywie konsekwencji Brexitu. Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego, nr 1 (71), pp. 107-119. https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.01.08
The paper deals with issues related to the category of political stability. Main goal is to determine the semantic scope of the concept of stabilization in the field of political theory. The reasoning was based on Carl Schmitt’s concept of decisionism and on systems analysis. The text uses the original analytical division into the following cases: a) destabilization; b) stabilizing social norms; c) stabilizing legal norms; d) stabilization routine. The final result of the consideration is the distinction and definition of cases in which the process of political stabilization takes place. These findings are important for the study of political systems, their evolution, duration, and collapse.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2022). Stabilizowanie jako wymiar decydowania politycznego. Historia i Polityka, vol. 41 (48), pp. 115-132. https://doi.org/10.12775/HiP.2022.026
The scenario method describes the basic assumptions and process model, how the future is to be captured in the scenarios, and the method through which the scenarios are formed, including the recommended support systems, modelling techniques, and data sources. Scenarios are not predictions about the future but rather similar to simulations of some possible futures. They are used both as an exploratory method or a tool for decision-making, mainly to highlight the discontinuities from the present and to reveal the choices available and their potential consequences. Both public and private sector organisations have implemented scenarios for a wide array of functions. The public sector relies mainly on scenario methodologies when it has to define planning activities (e.g. it was used in the past for defence planning) and to delineate alternatives for policies. Almost all industries (especially multinational companies) use scenarios to develop their business strategies.
Nacev, A., Perlikowski, Ł. (2022). Application of Scenario Method in Political Stability and Security. International Journal of Science and Arts – “IDEA”, vol. 6 no. 12, pp. 57-63.
Our paper revisits the work of Samuel Finer and David Easton in order to establish a firmer grasp on the problem of political stability within a given state or regime. We suggest that Finer’s approach to the problem of coercion–extraction is not wholly incompatible with Easton’s political system approach (as modified by Gabriel Almond). By combining what Finer and Easton (as understood through Almond) offer, we construct a framework that allows us to better understand political stability. The model we construct offers current researchers exploring the workings of political stability a useful tool to study and focus on the various dynamics that drive the stability of any given political system.
Bates, C., Perlikowski, Ł. (2022). The Coercion-Extraction Cycle and the Paradox of Stability. Polish Political Science Review, no. 10 (1), pp. 1-20. https://doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0001
The article concerns the stability of a specific political system based on the so-called non--codified constitution, which was formed in the State of Israel. The main goal is to present and characterise the systemic position of the Supreme Court in this country and, above all, the competences of this body in the field of maintaining political stability and public order. There are two main hypotheses in the paper. According to the first one, the Supreme Court is especially predestined to perform stability functions. According to second hypothesis a system based on an uncodified constitution supports the actions of the Supreme Court aimed at achieving a state of political stability. In the course of the analysis, tools from such disciplines as political theory, jurisprudence and the science of constitutional law were used. At the beginning of the article, the research perspective was defined, the most important element of which is the operationalization of the general concept of “stability” and the concept of “political stability”.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2022). Rola Sądu Najwyższego Państwa Izrael w kontekście stabilności ustroju politycznego opartego o konstytucję nieskodyfikowaną. Przegląd Sejmowy, nr 1 (168), ss. 119-136. https://doi.org/10.31268/PS.2022.89
As we believe, the Israeli case is of extraordinary importance from the perspective of uncodified constitutions and the question of political legitimacy. The attention of political scientists as well as legal scholars should be turned towards Israel in searching for important and controversial problems that can cast a new light on the comprehending issues that are crucial in constitutional law, jurisprudence, stability of the political regime and other issues related to the idea of separate powers. The main reason is that in spite of many unfavourable factors, the regime survives, and its maintenance is achieved by efforts of political institutions that are not constrained by the single codified constitutional act.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2022). Political Legitimacy and Human Rights in the Light of Uncodified Constitution. The Case of Israel [in:] :] Uncodified Constitutions and the Question of Political Legitimacy (ed.) Ł. Perlikowski. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK, ss. 119-133.
Political stability is a key category in general political theory and in the analysis of political systems. The correct determination of the semantic scope of this concept and its proper operationalization seem to be of fundamental importance for both theoretical and empirical scientific considerations. The text draws attention to two basic variants of stability (invariability and flexibility) and two basic aspects of the concept of stability (phenomenon and potential). The conceptual ordering of the issue of political stability, supported by a literature review on the subject, aims to provide a basis for formulating the most adequate approach to the study of political systems stability. The main purpose of the text is therefore to operationalize the concept of stability and, moreover, to indicate the possible research consequences of adopting the proposed perspective.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2021). Political Stability as a Phenomenon and a Potential. Athenaeum. Polish Political Science Studies, vol. 72, ss. 229-244. https://doi.org/10.12775/HiP.2022.026
A relevant problem in political philosophy and political theory is the distinction between political and utopian arguments. The boundary between these two types of argumentation may be blurred, which leads us to the point when we often deal with contaminations of both ways of thinking in individual positions. This involves, for example, presenting a utopian argument as a political argument and vice versa. The main purpose of the article is to organize these issues by applying the argumentation model developed by Stephen Toulmin to the analysis of both theoretical approaches. The three main problems of this work are: 1) the distinction between political and ethical arguments; 2) identifying the proper structure of political argumentation; 3) evaluation of the coherence of the idea of a realistic utopia (proposed by John Rawls).
Perlikowski, Ł. (2021). A Theory of Argumentation: The Case of Ethical, Political, and Utopian Thinking. Archiwum Filozofii Prawa i Filozofii Społecznej, nr 2 (27), ss. 54-70. https://doi.org/10.36280/AFPiFS.2021.2.54
In this paper, I would like to present an interpretation of David Hume’s political theory. Therefore, a method of investigation can be recognized as a The main threads I would like to emphasize are: the concept of stability, the distribution of power, the role of opinion in the political dimension, and a conservative attitude toward the political dimension, and a conservative attitude toward hermeneutical one. Main threads which I would like to emphasize are: concept of stability, distribution of power, role of an opinion in political dimension and a conservative attitude toward a change. I claim that an important lesson for political science can be taken from his theory. Generally speaking, this lesson involves rejecting. The main threads I would like to emphasize are: the concept of stability, the distribution of power, the role of opinion in the political dimension, and a conservative attitude toward the political dimension the so-called political regime fetishism and focusing on the relevant issues of social stability. These issues are strictly determined by opinion; hence, the proper subject matter, I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought only to be, the slave of opinions, which is an allusion to a famous sentence from A Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be, of political science is identified with them. As one of the conclusions I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought only to be slave of opinions, what is an allusion to a famous sentence from A Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2019). Distribution of Power and a Political Change in David Hume’s Political Theory. Świat Idei i Polityki, t. XVIII, ss. 195-208. https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201911
The investigations of this paper revolve around the concept of stability. We would like to make several analytical distinctions which would allow us to differentiate between various concepts of stability. The background of our work is the theory of political change supported by examples of this kind presented by Plato, Polybius, James Harrington, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Aristotle.The paper includes some remarks on Hobbes’s and Hume’s theories of stability which, strictly speaking, can be smoothly subsumed under a modern political concept thereof. Also worthy of note is the specification of the main subject-matter of political theories in terms of the problem of stability. Finally, we propose a sketch of the map of the problem of stability.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2019). How Does One Understand the Stability of Political Regimes from a Theoretical Point of View?. Politeja, nr 63, ss. 111-123. https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.63.07
The article deals with the theory of deliberative democracy, which is considered from an analytical perspective. Its main aim is to identify the primary directive of the rationality of pluralism, which forms the meta-argumentative level of discourse on deliberative democracy. In the article, we investigate the theoretical path that the idea of deliberative democracy has passed from Rawls’ works through those of Cohen to Brian Barry’s impartiality. We also refer to critical voices which highlight topics of interest. The main directives that we distinguish within the rationality of pluralism are: equality, justification, procedure and impartiality. We also point out that these directives may lead to inconsistencies in theories of deliberative democracy. We indicate that the plurality of rationalities is an alternative approach to the rationality of pluralism; however, this is not within the scope of our argument in this article.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2018). Racjonalność pluralizmu w świetle idei demokracji deliberatywnej. Studia Polityczne, vol. 46 nr 4, ss. 167-184. https://doi.org/10.35757/STP.2018.46.4.08
The article aims to present and critically analyze one of the currents of thought within the framework of deliberative democracy. The main dispute that we identify in the framework of this theory is the dispute between the impartialist and pluralistic approach. The role of reason towards the phe- nomenon of pluralism is the subject of these discussions. The impartialists base their arguments above all on the idea of public reason, while plural- ists deny its value to other values. It can therefore be concluded that this dispute consists in opposing the rationality of pluralism to the pluralism of rationality. In addition to analyzing the arguments of the pluralist approach, we also focus on the criticism of the impartialism that these positions have put forward. The article distinguishes three possible forms of pluralism: rationality of pluralism, plurality of rationality prima facie and plurality of rationality sensu proprio. This allows us to show the relationship between impartialism (rationality of pluralism) and pluralism (plurality of rationali- ties prima facie) and the plurality of pluralism proposed by the critics of impartiality (plurality of rationalities prima facie) with a specific form of pluralism (plurality of rationality sensu proprio). In addition, in the article we identify the directives which pluralists propose to take place of public reason. The pluralistic approach which we analyze in the text is presented by such authors as: Iris Marion Young, Seyla Benhabib, Chantal Mouffe, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. The impartialist tradition should be associated with John Rawles and his interpreters and critics such as Joshua Cohen and Brian Barry.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2018). Pluralizm racjonalności i pluralistyczna krytyka imparcjalizmu. Kultura i Edukacja, nr 1 (119), ss. 11-28. https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2018.01.01
The author aims to explain the notion of rationality as an analytical tool. The main thesis is that rationality must be understood as a set of local rules. As rationality occurs in many cases, one can talk about pluralism of rationality. However, the author criticises the popular interpretation of ‘local rationality’ (Gianni Vattimo). He refers to the concept of language-games developed by Ludwig Wittgenstein. He advocates the conservative interpretation of Wittgenstein’s works, which is in contrast to the relativistic (Richard Rorty) and emancipatory (Lotar Rasiński) interpretations. The text can be treated as an exegesis of Wittgenstein’s theorem: ‘Thinking is surrounded by a nimbus. Its essence, logic, presents an order: namely, the a priori order of the world; that is, the order of possibilities, which the world and thinking must have in common.’
Perlikowski, Ł. (2017). Racjonalność jako zespół reguł obowiązujących lokalnie. Uwagi na podstawie myśli późnego Wittgensteina. CIVITAS. Studia z Filozofii Polityki, nr 1 (119), ss. 11-28. https://doi.org/10.35757/CIV.2017.20.11
In political theory, we recognize such a theory that considers the issue of stability as the subject of investigationAs political theory we recognize such theory, which consider the issue of stability as the subject of investigations. There are three possible questions about political order: 1) what shape should it take; 2) how to achieve it? 3) How that libertarianism is not a political theory, but an to maintain it? We consider the last question as the basic question of modern political theory. Libertarianism does not answer that question, which brings us to the conclusion, that libertarianism is not political theory, but ethical theory. Out of three of Joshua Cohen’s distinctions of criticism of social practices: 1) political, 2) moral, 3) unmasked, that libertarianism is not a political theory but libertarianism is not a political theory, the moral nature of criticism of social practices best characterizes a libertarian investigation that considers the issue of stability as the subject of investigation. Is. In political theory, we recognize a theory that considers stability as the subject of investigation. Is libertarianism not a political theory, but a way? Libertarianism. is libertarianism not a political theory, but a wayLibertarianism is best characterized by the moral nature of criticism of social practices.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2016). Czy libertarianizm jest teorią polityczną?. Societas et Ius, nr 5, ss. 85-98. https://doi.org/10.12775/SEI.2016.005
The following text aims to highlight the significance of deliberation in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of democracy. The German philosopher, alongside John Rawls, is regarded as a thinker who laid the foundations of the deliberative democracy model. One of the main premises of our analysis is that both Rawls’s and Habermas’s projects are closely linked to the problem of stability, which was first expounded in the work of Thomas Hobbes. In this text, we will trace the successive stages in the development of Habermas’s thought that form the basis of the concept of deliberative democracy. These elements include: the public sphere, the ideal communicative situation, the theory of communicative action, popular sovereignty and legitimation, deliberative politics, and the normativity of political theories. Furthermore, Habermas’s debates with John Rawls and Robert Spaemann will be outlined. The conclusions will be summarised in a sub-section on the problem of stability and deliberation.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2016). Polityczność deliberacji – Jürgena Habermasa teoria demokracji. Dialogi Polityczne, nr 20, ss. 39-68. https://doi.org/10.12775/DP.2016.026
The main purpose of this article is to present the initial phase of the project in the field of argumentation theory and political philosophy. Project concerns studies of different types of rationality in the context of the argumentation. Background consideration is the problem of incommensurability and incompatibility types of rationality in political and ideological disputes. The first step is the establishment of a category of argumentative potential as a criterion for the typology of argument, which will build a map of argumentation, which will provide a starting point for a discussion. Apart from demonstrating the disproportion of discourses, the conclusion of the argument is to prove the local character of rationality.
Perlikowski, Ł. (2015). Political Reasoning and the Typology of Arguments in the Context of Political Philosophy. Philosophy Study, vol. 5 no. 9, pp. 253-468. https://doi.org/10.17265/2159-5313/2015.09.004
The main purpose of this chapter is to show the relationship and conflict between women’s rights and foetal rights in the context of abortion law and the new types of lawsuits such as e.g. prenatal harm cases. Despite the fact that in many Western legal systems a woman enjoys a right to terminate her pregnancy on demand at the early stage of gestational age (g.a.), a remarkable paradigm shift in law concerning women's procreative liberty and status of a foetus has taken place. This change has occurred outside the abortion framework in a form of wrongful life suits, preconception and prenatal harm lawsuits and foetal homicide laws. Creating a conspicuous discrepancy between status of a foetus in the abortion context and its standing in other branches of law, those legal solutions considerably infringe on women's rights. We propose the Metaphysical-Biological Split Account (MBSA) as an explanatory framework for the legal and cultural conjuncture mentioned above. The MBSA hypothesises that the incongruity in question stems from more rudimentary failure to discern a crucial difference between metaphysical (theory of identity) and biological (concept of biological causality) dimensions of justification employed in legal and moral debates over maternal-foetal conflict. We content that the attempt to set aside metaphysical considerations while justifying new types of legal claims is doomed to failure.
Dominiak, Ł., Perlikowski, Ł. (2015/2019). Women’s Rights, Prenatal Harm and Non-Identity Problem [in:] Re/Presenting Gender and Love (ed.) Dikmen Yakalı Çamoğlu. Oxford: Inter-Disciplinary Press. Second Edition: Brill Publishing, pp. 149-157.
The objectives of our study are: 1) the identification of religious arguments which occur in the contemporary biopolitical debate over human enhancement; 2) a critical assessment of bioconservative religious arguments. Our study hypothesises that: 1) both camps in the biopolitical debate in question refer to religious arguments; 2) but predominantly these are bioconservatists who do premise their position on religious arguments; 3) however, despite the fact that bioconservatists try to argue more in a religious vein than transhumanists actually do, and even though they are convinced that this kind of dialectical strategy is of a considerable advantage for them, their reasons do not justify their conclusions. In sum, taking into consideration the actual status of the biopolitical debate over human enhancement on the one hand, and intrinsic ends driving bioconservative dialectic on the other, we are prone to derive a conclusion that argumentative means deployed by bioLuddites to date have proved being of no avail.
Dominiak, Ł., Perlikowski, Ł. (2013). Argumenty religijne we współczesnej debacie biopolitycznej: przypadek doskonalenia człowieka. Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne, nr 38, ss. 84-102.
The aim of the article is to characterise biopolitics in the context of the controversy surrounding human enhancement. A diagram created by James Hughes is brought into play in order to depict the particular nature of contemporary political divides following the emergence of the biopolitical sphere. The dispute between the transhumanists and the bioconservatives relating, in essence, to the issue of the modification of human nature is best grasped as exemplified by the debate surrounding the problem of human enhancement. The analysis is based on three points which, to a large extent, determine the form of the dispute, namely, the assumption of extreme connectedness, the precantionary principle and the category of distributive justice in the biopolitical perspective. An explicit emphasis is placed on the fact that the problems which emerge in the debate differ from classical political issues and demand a redefinition of the concepts fundamental to the human condition. The consequences of this change are of crucial significance to the resolution of questions emerging in both the public sphere and legislation.
Dominiak, Ł., Perlikowski, Ł., Płotka, B. (2013). Współczesne podziały biopolityczne w świetle sporu wokół doskonalenia człowieka. Studia Polityczne, nr 31, ss. 175-189.
Authored Books
Perlikowski, Ł. (2025). Dialektyczne czytanie Platona. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Nakowe UMK, pp. 276. ISBN:978-83-231-6225-4 https://doi.org/10.12775/978-83-231-6226-1
Perlikowski, Ł. (2023). Teoretyczne podstawy badania stabilności politycznej. Toruń: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UMK, pp. 193. ISBN:978-83-231-5277-4 https://doi.org/10.12775/978-83-231-5278-1
Perlikowski, Ł. (2020). Pluralizm i racjonalność w świetle idei demokracji deliberatywnej. Płock: Wydawnictwo MUP, pp. 319 ISBN: 978-83-66277-00-7
Dominiak, Ł., Perlikowski, Ł. (2016). Sprawiedliwość – tożsamość – racjonalność. Wybrane problemy filozofii polityki. Toruń: Societas et Ius, pp. 356. ISBN 978-83-930377-7-3
Edited Books
Jesiołowski, K., Perlikowski, Ł. (red.) (2018). Niemiecka filozofia prawa XX w. wobec problemów konstytucjonalizmu. Toruń: Societas et Ius, pp. 163. ISBN: 978-83-945490-3-9
Bartyzel, J., Perlikowski, Ł., Wielomski, A. (red.) (2019). Wyzwanie Lewiatana. Wokół filozofii politycznej Thomasa Hobbesa. Płock: Wydawnictwo PWSZ, pp. 240. ISBN: 978-83-61601-87-6
Perlikowski, Ł. (ed.) (2022). Uncodified Constitutions and the Question of Political Legitimacy. Toruń: Wydawnictwo UMK, pp. 176. ISBN:978-83-231-4929-3 https://doi.org/10.12775/978-83-231-4930-9
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